Saturday, January 25, 2020

Coping With School Failure and School Achievement

Coping With School Failure and School Achievement DEPRESSION AND ANXIETY IN CHILDREN AND ADOLESCENTS OF SCHOOL FAILURE Tony JREIGE Abstract (100 to 150 words) he present study examined the relationship between goal orientation, coping with school failure and school achievement. Two questionnaires, Goal Orientation (Niemivirta, 1996a) and The School Failure Coping Scale (Rijavec Brdar, 1997), were administered to 1057 high school students (aged from 15 to 17 years). The first goal of this study was to explore whether students can be classified in groups according to their goal orientation. The results identified four clusters of students with different achievement profiles: learning oriented, work-avoidance oriented, both performance and learning oriented and both performance and work-avoidance oriented group. Learning oriented group used emotion-focused coping the least frequently while students with combined performance and work avoidanc orientation used this kind of coping the most frequently. The second goal was to test the relationship between goal orientation patterns and the adoption of emotion-focused and problem-focused coping strategies, and academic achievement. It was hypothesized that goal orientation could predict school achievement directly and indirectly through coping strategies. Coping strategies were considered as mediators between goal orientation and school achievement. Path analysis demonstrated that direct effects of goal orientation on school achievement were not significant. The relationship between goal orientation and school achievement was mediated by coping strategies. Key Words: School failure, Depression, Anxiety, Coping. The problem of school failure is of great importance, as it affects students’ lives and future. In some cases, it leads to marginalization, rejection, alienation and exclusion; hence, the risk of a variety of other problems such as psychological and behavioral may emerge. Patterson and his colleagues (1989) point to an anti-social behavior as a consequence of such marginalization. We say that students who are marginalized and cannot easily adjust tend to drop out school. Although the importance of this topic, unfortunately, literature on the phenomenon of school failure of normally intelligent children and adolescents is still poor. There is a shortage of research that might offer an understanding of school failure in terms of psychological disorders. As a response to this fact, the main objective of this study is to look deep for emotional and psychological disorders accused to be guilty of this failure and, consequently, remove the stigma of being failure and irresponsible from students who lie behind their classmates. The main question we ask is: Do children and adolescents, who fail at school, really suffer from any psychological disorder, particularly depressive and anxiety disorders? And yet, another question emerges: Are females more susceptible to these disorders than males? As potential answers the above formulated questions, the following hypotheses were set up for the study: Children and adolescents who fail at school suffer from depressive disorders Children and adolescents who fail at school show evidence of anxiety disorders There is a gender significant difference in depressive disorders There is a gender significant difference in anxiety disorders LITERATURE REVIEW School failure The term â€Å"school failure† is difficult to define clearly; for some, it would include any kind of failure, repetition or delay in finishing school which usually leads the student to disqualification, and even to being stigmatized, especially because of the segregation between high and low achievers (Bourdieu,1994). On the other hand, researchers advanced several approaches to elucidate school failure, among these approaches we mention: Intelligence based on IQ scores. Supporters of this theory blame low IQs for school failure. Socio-economic status with children’s academic achievement: Supporters of this theory blame the poverty for school failure (Herbert, 1996; Turkheimer et al., 2003; Thomson Harris, 2004; Berliner, 2006, 2009). Interaction theory: Keddie (1973) and many others reproach the teacher for school failure. For them, teachers have a pre-defined opinion of how a student should talk and react and accordingly students are evaluated. Although all the above mentioned approaches, school failure may occur among students of high socio-economic status, beloved by their teachers, and have the ability and intelligence to succeed. Thus, these children get is a stigma of being a failure, a worthless, stupid and irresponsible person, while hidden emotional psychologicaldisorders are often the roots of their inability to meet the school’s standards. For us, several factors may lead to school failure, among these factors we mention depression and anxiety and the incapacity of using appropriate coping strategies. Depression Depression in children and adolescents is often a recurrent and very serious public health problem, it can occur with comorbid behavioral problems, suicidal risk, and psychiatric disorders, touching their whole life by impairing their social, emotional and physical health as well as their learning. Depression in children and adolescents may be expressed differently from that in adults, with manifest behavioral disorders (e.g. irritability, verbal aggression and misconduct), substance abuse and/or comorbid psychiatric disorders. In children aged between 6 and 12 years, the most common signs are classified into are school difficulties, somatic disorders (e.g. Recurrent abdominal pain, headaches), fatigue, apathy, eating disorders, lack of motivation, loss of concentration, irritability, restlessness which often lead professionals to misdiagnose the child with ADHD instead of depression (Melnyk et al.,2003). As for adolescents, the most common signs and symptoms are mood swings, social isolation, hypersomnia, feeling of hopelessness, suicidal thoughts, eating disorders and drug or alcohol abuse (Richardson et al., 1996). Risk factors for suicide in young people are: previous suicide attempts; a close family member who has committed suicide; past psychiatric hospitalization; recent loss of a significant figure (through death, divorce or separation); social isolation; drug or alcohol abuse; exposure to violence in the home or the social environment; and handguns in the home. Early warnings for suicide are talking about it, preoccupation with death and dying, giving away special possessions, and making arrangements to take care of unfinished business. Williams (2009), offers a description to identifying depressed adolescents, such as: Somatic symptoms with features of anxiety. Sometimes poor functioning at school, socially, or at home. Bad behavior, particularly in boys. Rapid mood swings often occur. The fact that children are able to enjoy some aspects of their life shouldnt preclude the diagnosis of depression. Anxiety Anxiety is a normal part of living, it’s a biological reaction. Anxiety keeps us away from harm and prepares us to act quickly when facing a danger; it is a normal reaction to a stressful situation, thus it can help us cope with it. Yet we may find it sometimes in the core of the development of psychological disorders especially when anxiety becomes an excessive irrational worry of everyday situations, and a disabling condition severe enough to interfere with a persons ability to focus and concentrate where it becomes a disorder. Helfinstein (2009) believes that â€Å"anxiety refers to the brain response to danger, stimuli that an organism will actively attempt to avoid. This brain response is a basic emotion already present in infancy and childhood, with expressions falling on a continuum from mild to severe. Anxiety is not typically pathological as it is adaptive in many scenarios when it facilitates avoidance of danger. Strong cross-species parallels—both in organisms’ responses to danger and in the underlying brain circuitry engaged by threats—likely reflect these adaptive aspects of anxiety†. Half a century ago, Grinker (1959, p.56) believed that normal anxiety could be objective and real when we face natural situations that generate anxiety, e.g. child before his exams, parents in front of their child’s illness. Almost a century ago, in his â€Å"A General Introduction to Psychoanalysis† (1920), Freud believed that anxiety was used â€Å"in connection with a condition regardless of any objective†, it’s â€Å"a subjective condition, caused by the perception that an â€Å"evolution of fear† has been consummated†. †¦ Nowadays, for the American Psychologists Association (2013) describe Social Anxiety Disorder and Generalized Anxiety Disorder among the anxiety disorders include where METHOD Sample The sample of this study comprised of 187 children and young adolescents (Males = 122 and Females = 65) aged between 10 and 15 years suffering of school failure and enrolled in the fourth to the eighth grades, randomly drawn from 10 schools located in Mount Lebanon Caza (5 governmental and 5 private). Tools Anxiety The State-Trait Anxiety Inventory for Children (STAIC) developed by Speilberger in 1970 was used. It consists of two 20-item scales that measure state and trait anxiety in children between the ages of 8 and 14. The A-State scale examines the shorter-term state anxiety that is commonly specific to situations. It prompts respondents to indicate how they feel ‘right now’ (e.g. calm, upset) on a 3-point scale ranging from 1 to 3. Summing responses creates a total score that can range from 20 to 60. The A-Trait scale measures longer-term trait anxiety, which addresses how the child generally feels. It asks respondents to choose the best word that describes them in general (e.g. rarely, sometimes, and often) on a 3-point scale ranging from 1 to 3. Summing responses creates a total score that can range from 20 to 60. A separate score is produced for the State scale and the Trait scale to determine which type of anxiety is dominant and which type of treatment is the most appropriate. In 2001, we standardized this scale for the Lebanese children aged between 8 and 17; the cut points for normal children were: A-State scale: 33.36 The A-Trait scale: 37.26 The PROMIS Anxiety scale (AS) is the 13-item Short Form that assesses the pure domain of anxiety in children and adolescents. The PROMIS Anxiety scale was developed for and can be used with children ages 8–17. Each item asks the child receiving care to rate the severity of his or her anxiety during the past 7 days, and is rated on a 5-point scale (1=never; 2=almost never; 3=sometimes; 4=often; and 5=almost always) with a range in score from 13 to 65 with higher scores indicating greater severity of anxiety. The raw scores on the 13 items should be summed to obtain a total raw score. Next, the T-score table should be used to identify the T-score associated with the child’s total raw score and the information entered in the T-score row on the measure. The T-scores are interpreted as follows: Less than 55 = None to slight; 55.0—59.9 = Mild; 60.0—69.9 = Moderate; 70 and over = Severe Depression The Children’s Depression Inventory (CDI), first published by Maria Kovacs in 1992, assesses the severity of symptoms related to depressionand/ordysthymicdisorder. The CDI is a 27-item self-rated and symptom-oriented scale suitable for childrenandadolescents aged between 7 and 17. It asks respondents to choose the best sentences that describe their state during the last two weeks,on a 3-point scale ranging from zero to 2. Summing responses creates a total score that can range from zero to 54. The cut-point of 19 is able to differentiate between normal and depressive children (Doerfler, 1998; ØÂ ¬ÃƒËœÃ‚ ±Ãƒâ„¢Ã…  ÃƒËœÃ‚ ¬, 2001) The PROMIS Depression scale (DS) is the 14-item Short Form that assesses the pure domain of depression in children and adolescents. The PROMIS Depression scale was developed for and can be used with children ages 8–17; however, it was tested only in children ages 11–17 in the DSM-5 Field Trials. Each item asks the child receiving care to rate the severity of his or her depression during the past 7 days, and is rated on a 5-point scale (1=never; 2=almost never; 3=sometimes; 4=often; and 5=almost always) with a range in score from 11 to 55 with higher scores indicating greater severity of depression. The raw scores on the 11 items should be summed to obtain a total raw score. Next, the T-score table should be used to identify the T-score associated with the total raw score and the information entered in the T-score row on the measure. The T-scores are interpreted as follows: Less than 55 = None to slight; 55.0—59.9 = Mild; 60.0—69.9 = Moderate; 70 and over = Severe RESULTS SPSS for Windows (Version 17) was used for all analyses. The One-Sample T-Test was used to compare our sample’s levels of anxiety and depression with the means of normal children and adolescents of their ages. The Independent-Samples T-Test was used to understand whether anxiety and depression differed based on gender. Overall, Table 1 illustrates a general view Means and standard deviations of our of the study’s participants for STAIC, Anxiety Scale, CDI and Depression Scale where we can notice high means in comparison with their cut-points. These findings are proved by the T-test (Table 2) where the One-Sample T-Test was run to determine whether our psychological variables scores in our participants were different to normal. Defined as a Astate cut-point of 33.36, mean score (38.11 ± 3.06) (see Table 1) was higher than the normal cut-point; a statistically significant difference of 4.75 (99% CI, 4.16 to 5.33),t(186) = 21.21, p= .000. As for the Atrait, mean score (42.08 ± 3.82) was higher than the normal cut-point (37.26); a statistically significant difference of 4.82 (99% CI, 4.09 to 5.55),t(186) = 17.24, p= .000. The Anxiety Scale where the cut-point is 55, mean score (60.23 ± 2.46) was higher; a statistically significant difference of 5.23 (99% CI, 4.76 to 5.70),t(186) = 28.99, p= .000. These result are also noticed in depression scales as the CDI cut-point is 33.36, while mean score (20.02 ± 2.23) was higher; a statistically significant difference of 1.02 (99% CI,0.59 to 1.44),t(186) = 6.24, p= .000. Nevertheless, results on the Depression Scale revealed a mean score (58.79 ± 2.27) higher than the normal cut-point (55); a statistically significant difference of 3.79 (99% CI, 3.36 to 4.22),t(186) = 22.82, p= .000. Table 1. Means and standard deviations for the participants on psychological variables Table 2. T-test for the participants on psychological variables On the other hand, this study found no statistically significant difference on the Astate Checklist between males (37.95  ± 2.98) and females (38.40  ± 3.22) (Table 3),t(185) = -0.956,p= 0.341 > 0.05 (Table 4). Nevertheless, male participants had statistically significantly lower mean (41.61  ± 4.10) than females’ (42.95  ± 3.07),t(185) = -2.308,p= 0.022 On the Anxiety Scale, both males (59.78  ± 2.73) and females (61.06  ± 1.58) differ significantly in their perception of anxiety, t(185) = -3.481,p= 0.001 The main effect was also significant for the CDI, male participants had statistically significantly lower mean (19.71  ± 2.25) than females’ (20.58  ± 2.09),t(185) = -2.586,p= 0.01. This result was also observed for the Depression Scale where males mean score was (58.43  ± 2.42) and females’ was (59.46  ± 1.79) , t(185) = -3.027,p= 0.003 Table 3. Gender differences on psychological variables Table 4. Independant Sample T Test by gender on psychological variables DISCUSSION CONCLUSION The study calls for a fundamental change of attitudes in educational development and policy making and a redefinition of school failure as a consequence not so much of the child’s unwillingness to study, but of his inability to perform well. As a school dropout explained his decision to drop out:

Friday, January 17, 2020

Bush and Branson: Dichotomies of Power

Jane Jacob’s book, Systems of Survival, discusses two types of ethical or value systems governing our working lives, with each one the complete foil of the other. These two systems describe the framework by which we operate day to day, procuring our needs and securing our own territories. It is interesting to note that while the two systems in question are polar opposites, there are several instances where organizations use a combination of the two.However, it is worth mentioning that while the two are indeed different, both, as products of their own unique environment, are equally necessary and valid to the circumstances in which they arise and within the context of their use. There are times when one system leverages another for its own advantage. The two systems are Guardian Moral Syndrome and the Commercial Moral Syndrome. From their names alone, it is easy to guess their differences from one another. The first model, the Guardian Moral Syndrome, generally refers to people or agencies that are protective or defensive in nature.Examples of guardians are the military and the police, organizations which employ force in order to achieve its goals. The Commercial Model Syndrome is used by commercial or business entities. The commercials use trade in order to advance its interests. The main argument of Jacobs’ book is that our world uses only two methods to acquire resources and those are to trade in an atmosphere of symbiosis, or take another’s resources by force under the pretense of a variety of reasons. As Paquet & Gilles explains, â€Å"Guardian moral syndrome underpinning hierarchical system, and commercial moral syndrome underpinning market-type organizations.(1999, p. 35)In this regard, this paper will try to differentiate the two systems more clearly by citing two famous personalities who embody each system or model and try to explain their actions in light of the values that define each system. Guardian Moral Syndrome: George W. Bu sh It is perhaps unfortunate to be the President of the United States at the time when the September 11 World Trade Canter attack took place. Imagine the burden of responsibility, made more difficult to bear with the whole world watching your every move. George W.Bush, the current President of the United States made the decision to retaliate and take an offensive stance against terrorism, saying that it was a necessary move to protect his country. Soon after the 9-11 attacks, the United States, backed by its international allies waged a war on Afghanistan to free the country from the iron grip of the Taliban rule. By doing so, Bush redefined the concept of terrorism from nameless, stateless entities, to one that is closely associated with the country that is giving them safe passage (Moens, 2004, p. 164).A country that harbors a terrorist shares in the sin and will suffer the consequences of doing so. Up to now, even the face of growing dissent, Bush has continued its war against te rrorism. After Afghanistan, Bush went on to attack Iraq and weed out Saddam Hussein. While he was successful at bringing Hussein down, the long drawn out war in Iraq is hugely unpopular in the United States. Bush is receiving increasingly heated criticism from his own country. From receiving the highest approval rating immediately following the 9-11 attacks, his ratings plummeted to a level lowest in recent history.According to Sammon, Bush defends his position by saying that terrorism is not a criminal offense, but an act of war. (2006, p. 25). It is very plain to see how Bush is exhibiting the Moral Guardian Syndrome. He does not hesitate to use force to advance his own cause. Perhaps encouraged by the success of the Afghanistan campaign, he truly believes that he can rid the world of terrorists. Values such as exert prowess, take vengeance, deceive for the sake of task, be fatalistic, can be seen in Bush’s leadership style.Primarily, it is the unflinching willingness to us e physical force that defines Bush’s presidency. In order to protect his territory and resources, he embraces force and stands his ground. The use of military might to exact vengeance and uphold a way of life holds true with the Guardian Moral Syndrome. In fact, the need for righteous revenge was what galvanized the United States soon after the World Trade Center was attacked, killing thousands of people. Bush capitalized on his country’s united call for justice in order to indefinitely maintain his war against terrorists and extremists.He protects his turf by actively seeking out and eliminating those who threaten his territory and he does so with firm belief in his cause. Bush personifies the guardian moral syndrome because the use of righteous force governs his thoughts and actions. He remains faithful to the cause and is more than willing to pay the price for his advocacy and beliefs. Commercial Model Syndrome: Sir Richard Branson Sir Richard Charles Nicholas Brans on is the owner of the Virgin group of companies. He was born in Surrey, England and is currently the fifth richest man in the United Kingdom.Branson is a high school dropout because his dyslexia was getting in the way of his learning. His teachers, who did not know any better at that time thought he was a slow learner. Whatever shortcomings Richard had in his academic life, he made up with his entrepreneurial spirit, Richard has always been enterprising, venturing into businesses at a young age. He was 21 years when he opened his first record store in 1971. In the 1980’s, Branson’s Virgin record label grew rapidly, spurred primarily by his flamboyant and competitive style. What started out as a small record store is now a globally-recognized brand.A big part of Branson’s early success was the choice of name for his business, but foremost was his passion and faith for what he is doing. He was focused and had his eye on the goal from day one. He leveraged his sma ll successes in order to take on grander undertakings. Fridson describes Branson’s success. â€Å"The unconventionality reflected in Branson’s managerial style is a personality trait that made him a highly successful innovator throughout his career. † (1999, p. 226) Branson breaks the mold of the traditional successful businessman (Nelson and Quick, p. 111).Nevertheless, he is still remains to be a classic example of the commercial moral syndrome and is a good case in point. Among all the values embodied by the commercial moral syndrome, Branson is the epitome of optimism. He had explicit faith in his own success, and the positive expectations he had for himself became a self-fulfilling prophecy, as evidenced by his Virgin conglomerate. Aside from his optimism, Branson is also industrious and efficient, and does not balk at the competition. However, it should be noted that among all of Branson’s traits as a businessman.He best embodies the qualities of th e commercial moral syndrome with his willingness to innovate. Among the precepts of the commercial moral syndrome says that one should be open to inventiveness and novelty. There should be a willingness to try something new and keep redefining the current state of things. Branson, for all his successes, could have just chosen to rest on his laurels and enjoy the fruits of his hard work. But the need to raise the bar keeps him on the top of his game. This perhaps is the hallmark of every great businessman.The willingness to create something new, and accept the risks that go with it are what sets the Branson from the rest of the crowd and is perhaps the main reason for his success. Branson acquires resources and riches by engaging in business under a free market economy, and he expands on his territory by using what he has earned as funds in order to acquire more. He enters into agreements and partnerships to diversify and knows how to invest productively and is optimistic even as he takes calculated risks. Branson is a model for the commercial moral system because he represents all the best that this system embodies.He is perhaps one of the best arguments for this model. Branson has proved that with the right attitude, anyone can be successful businessman, even a school drop-out like he is. Indeed the concept of a dichotomy in business and government entities is dictated by the circumstances wherein they are being used. One model or syndrome is not necessarily better over the other because they were made for entirely different reasons. Guardian precepts are designed to strengthen the individual against fear and weakness, but it should be tempered with a strong sense of fairness and justice.The best guardians are that person who, while believing in the necessity of force, exhausts all peaceful means before using it. Force should always be a last resort, and must never be used to advance any selfish interests. Conversely, commercial precepts are designed for the accumulation of wealth under a free market environment. But it success in a commercial model should be tempered with civic responsibility and the willingness to give back to the community and help those who have not been so fortunate in life. The two people mentioned in this paper does embody the qualities of each system.They are operating within their own zones and are successful in their own right. However, I believe that the world is far too complex to be condensed into a black and white model. While there is no doubt that Jacobs has great insights on how we act to survive and keep our turf, most things in life are not as clearly defined. Depending on the situation, we can be guardians or commercials, or a bit of both. And while the two people discussed here typify one model or another, there is no saying how long will they stay that way and how will they act if their life circumstances were any different, or if something changes in their environment.

Thursday, January 9, 2020

The Development Of The Adolescent Framework Law - 1352 Words

The inception of the adolescent framework law has since quite a while ago characterized a line in the middle of adolescent and grown-up wrongdoers, yet that line has been drawn at better places, for diverse reasons. Amid the nineteenth century, the treatment of adolescents in the United States began to change. Social reformers started to make extraordinary offices for vexed adolescents, particularly in vast urban communities. We can ascribe the genuine starting to William Blackstone, an English Lawyer in the 1760 s who created basic law in England. â€Å"British lawyer William Blackstone proposed the idea that at a certain age, individuals were incapable of committing crime Blackstone introduced a defining line between the stage of infancy (anyone under the age of seven) and adulthood (anyone under the age of fourteen) (Downey, N.D). He accepted that there were two things that were needed with a specific end goal to consider somebody responsible for their activities. The main thing was horrible will, aim to perpetrate the wrongdoing. Another thing was the activity; they really perpetrated the wrongdoing. On the off chance that both of the two was needing, then the individual carried out no wrongdoing. Between the ages of seven and fourteen was a hazy area. A youngster in this age reach would be assumed unequipped for wrongdoing. 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Wednesday, January 1, 2020

Homeschooling s Liberalism By David Mills - 1190 Words

Have you ever done something so controversial that it brought extreme criticism to you? This is what happened to David Mills. In â€Å"Homeschooling’s Liberalism† by David Mills, we read a story about Mills personal experience when he tells people his children are homeschooled. The story he tells us is more about their reactions and why he feels justified in homeschooling his children, rather than how Mills homeschools his own children. Mills stands by his decision to homeschool his children for several reasons, among them; his belief that the school system isn’t doing the best they can in terms of education. This story is actually eye opening and doesn’t make the idea of homeschooling as crazy as I used to think it was. I have spent a†¦show more content†¦Mills states, â€Å"Thomas Jefferson, by consensus I think our favorite founding father, would have approved.† Mills believes that taking charge of education for one’s own child is a liberty that is one of the few things that America fought for and continues to fight for the suppression of oppression of any kind, Educating your own children is an act of the kind of freedom I was taught our country provided, a freedom of self-determination thatis one of its great glories. (Mills 344) Mills divulges that when he was going to school, one of his teachers taught him about Herbert Marcuse and Marcuse’s idea of â€Å"repressive tolerance† and that â€Å"we are not free even though we seemed to be, and in fact that the system itself controlled us through what we thought were free choices.† (Mills 342) At whatever age Mills heard this quote, we know it must have stuck with him since he has kept that idea in his head. Mills recalls Edmund Burke’s theory of â€Å"little platoons† for ideas thought to be from anarchy. Mills and other people like him had different ideas of how to go about life, he tells us: â€Å"We had a vision of soci al difference and diversity, which we were taught was threatened by the homogenizing effects of late industrial capitalism, symbolized even then by white bread and processed cheese.† So Mills knew he was in unpopular opinion that tended to upset the balance of what others